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Camila Cabello, Romance review: A sweet if flawed demonstration of artistic identity



Spotify announced this week that the most streamed track of 2019 was “Señorita”, the sweltering summer single from Camila Cabello and Shawn Mendes, an unbearably tactile real-life couple who have been anointed the Britney and JT of the Gen-Y set. For Cabello, alumni of the defunct girl group Fifth Harmony, it marked her second Latin-tinged smash after 2017’s “Havana”.

But Cabello has also faced a very modern conundrum: how do you translate two Spotify-dominating singles into a distinct musical identity? Particularly when the bulk of your recent press, whether deliberate or not, has focused on your hyper-visible relationship? Romance, Cabello’s second solo album, doesn’t solve the mystery, but it’s at least a marked improvement on the pick’n’mix anonymity of her 2018 debut. That record, Camila, was cute if inconsequential, pulling from so many sonic trends that it was a rather faceless introduction to Camila Cabello the solo artist.

Even if not everything on Romance works, there is an obvious through line connecting the majority of its tracks – Cabello is sweetly ebullient as she repeatedly returns to feelings of being flush in first love. Convenient from a PR angle, absolutely, but also played so sincerely that it’s not particularly bothersome.

“Please say you dream of me, too,” she sings in album standout “Dream of You”, her voice cracking into an airy plea. Single “Living Proof” is a wonderful flutter of a number, full of heady high notes as she compares finding love to finding religion. It’s in these vulnerable mid-tempo moments that Cabello feels most at home, though that doesn’t mean there aren’t bops here, too. “My Oh My” sounds like it was recorded in a crypt on Halloween, Cabello reducing her pitch to a spooky timbre as she talks of a naughty boyfriend who “comes alive at midnight”. The equally raspy “Cry for Me” is essentially Imogen Heap meets Carlos Santana, complete with an electric guitar solo that sounds directly lifted from the latter’s Rob Thomas collaboration “Smooth”. It’s one of the album’s more unconventional tracks. 

Whether Cabello has fully come into her own just yet, however, is a question Romance struggles to answer. Occasionally overproduced, it has a tendency to flatten her voice with unnecessary processing, morphing it too often into a gloopy gurgle. And a few too many songs feel like carbon copies of other people’s, particularly “This Love”, a thinly-veiled pastiche of Rihanna’s “Love on the Brain” that never takes off in the same way. 

But there’s something here. When allowed room to breathe, Cabello’s voice is wonderfully elastic, as pleasurable when it’s low and gravelly as it is when it’s high and pleading. And Romance feels like an album with a clear story, vision and personality at its centre, even if it’s been tempered somewhat by trends and streaming expectations. 

Considering how vulnerable Cabello has become to being swallowed whole by her personal life, it’s a relief. It feels like the throwing down of a gauntlet, Cabello determined to wear her heart on her sleeve in the studio as well as in paparazzi photos.



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Sudan protests: Four children ‘shot dead by security forces’ at demonstration



Four children were killed when Sudanese security forces opened fire on a student protest in the central province of North Kordofan, according to campaigners.

The Sudanese Doctors Central Committee claimed snipers shot at the high school pupils while attempting to break up the demonstration in the city of El-Obeid.

At least five died of their injuries, including the four students and an adult, and more than a dozen were wounded, it was claimed.


The killings sparked calls from the Sudanese Professionals’ Association​, which has spearheaded recent protests, for a nationwide demonstration to condemn the violence.

Videos posted on social media appeared to show hundreds of pupils, with school bags on their backs, taking part in the demonstration while chanting “blood for blood, we will not accept blood money”.

Activists recounted how trucks with paramilitary rapid support forces moved in to disperse the protesters using live ammunition.

“Most of the wounded have been shot in the legs, heads and stomach,” said Mustafa Mohammed, a doctor at the main hospital in the city.

Mass anti-government protests first erupted in Sudan in December with calls for president Omar al-Bashir to step down.


The military overthrew Mr al-Bashir in a coup in April but street protests have continued with calls for transition to civilian rule.

Tensions have remained high since June when armed men in military fatigues stormed an encampment of activists outside Khartoum’s military headquarters.

Monday’s protest in El-Obeid took place hours before talks begin between the military council and the protest coalition, Forces for Declaration of Freedom and Change.

Sediq Yousef, a negotiator for the protest coalition, said there should be no further talks with the military until it halted its “violations.” 

“We cannot sit at a negotiating table with those who allow the killing of revolutionaries,” he said. 

Earlier this month both sides reached a power-sharing agreement earlier this month, which would see joint civilian-military rule for three years while elections are organised. 

They remain divided on a number of key issues, however, including whether military commanders should be immune from prosecution for violence against protesters.

Additional reporting by agencies



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Russia protests: Riot police violently break up Moscow demonstration as thousands take to streets in defiance of Kremlin



The arrests began even before the protest started. A woman was prised from a street bench. A group of pensioners were seized as they walked along the street. A young man was grabbed as he left a bank. There seemed to be little logic at play.

Mere presence near the proposed demonstration point was enough to be wheeled away, often violently, to the police vans.

According to independent monitors OVD-Info, 89 people had been detained by the 2pm start. That figure rose to 800 by the evening.


The unauthorised protest was organised in response to the exclusion of opposition candidates from September’s Moscow city elections. A number of those candidates were among the arrested.

Authorities were taking no chances. The night before, metal barriers appeared on Tverskaya Street, the main thoroughfare that runs from the Kremlin and past the mayor’s office, the planned location of the rally. An unprecedented number of men in uniforms — riot police, national guard and ordinary policemen — appeared in central Moscow. Dozens of police vans stood ready to absorb the expected numbers of arrested.

By the start of the meeting, police had sealed the area immediately in front of the mayor’s office. Then, they moved in formation to divide the protest and push crowds away into side streets. The protesters resisted. Truncheons were used against them. There were reports of electronic weapons being used. At least one woman, who it later transpired was the municipal lawmaker Alexandra Parushina, was left bleeding after being hit on the head. She was seen wiping her blood on riot officers’ uniforms.

“Let them understand that our blood is on them,” Ms Parushina told a reporter working for Dozhd, Russia’s last remaining independent online television channel. 

A few hours later, a team of police officers had also descended on Dozhd’s studios in northern Moscow. It was not immediately clear whether the channel’s decision to remove its paywall specially for coverage of the protest had played a role.

By evening, the demonstration had moved on to Trubnaya square, a public space that has over the past two weeks become a regular protest meeting point. But opposition leaders had hardly begun making speeches before the gathering was violently dispersed by riot police. At least one man was seriously injured. 

The police tactics formed only part of an operation against these, the wildest protests Russia has seen in seven years. In the lead up to Saturday’s rally, authorities also arrested Alexei Navalny, Russia’s most prominent opposition politician. They conducted night-time raids at the homes of his press officer, lawyers, and all the other excluded candidates. 

One candidate, Konstantin Yankauskas, was not home when officers called, and his parents declined to heed their request to enter. Undeterred, authorities sent another group of officers to the home of Mr Yankauskas’ 80-year-old grandmother. 

Gennady Gudkov, an opposition politician, former Duma deputy and KGB officer, likened the pre-protest operation to the return of Stalinism. “We are back in 1937,” he wrote on Twitter. 

 

On the day, authorities warned of arrests and violence. Sergey Sobyanin, Moscow’s mayor, claimed intelligence of “impending provocations” posing a “threat to … life”. Those who came anyway would be dealt with “according to the established procedure”, he said. Journalists were also asked to register their intention to cover the protest with the authorities. 

Such hints likely affected the numbers attending the demonstration, which were down compared to the sanctioned demonstration last week. Given the dispersed nature of the protest, it was difficult to count. Police estimates said 3,500 attended, though such figures are traditionally underestimated. 

Observing the extent of the clampdown, it was easy to forget the actual cause of the political storm. 

In theory, the stakes are tiny: just a few places in the Moscow city government, a body with few real powers. But the Kremlin made an early decision that it would not entertain opposition candidates even there. On the eve of elections, they introduced new rules increasing the number of verified signatures independent candidates needed to register. The hope had been that candidates would be unable to reach the required numbers. When most of them did, Moscow’s local election committee ruled a large number of the signatures to be invalid, removing all but the most placid of candidates. 

That was the moment that a local problem became a national crisis — and one that is certain to grow, says Tatyana Stanovaya, an analyst at the Carnegie Moscow Centre. 

“Nobody in the Kremlin is looking for a solution, because they have denied themselves the political instruments they need to find one,” she says. “Putin has made it clear that there will be no concessions to the unsanctioned opposition. He doesn’t consider them politicians. He thinks they are westernised gangsters trying to take over the state.” 



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